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The changes in hip-hop forms, functions, formal and informal distribution, and in its reception, reflect a rapidly changing socio-economic situation, and illustrate the importance of the specific social context for this genre.

Without it, the elements of hip-hop DJing, MCing, breakdancing and graffiti functioned as separate entities, not as constituent parts of a whole. In his study of rap and hip-hop outside the USA, Tony Michell draws attention to the fact that although hip-hop has become a global phenomenon with distinctive local manifestations that combine models and idioms derived from U. While it would not have come into being without the prior emergence of African American hip-hop, its history demonstrates that the existence of hip-hop in the USA was not on its own enough to transplant the genre into Poland.

This paper is an attempt to demonstrate that Polish hip-hop cannot be fully understood outside this context. Looking at hip-hop in Poland in a society perceived largely as homogeneous, in which race at least as it is understood in America is not central to societal discourses, the article will provide an opportunity to illuminate some aspects of the genre that might be overshadowed in studies of U.

Polish hip-hop creates an opportunity to include a grass-roots perspective within the conceptual scheme of post-socialism, an angle that is rarely explored.

Most studies of regime transition in Poland and other countries from the former Soviet bloc are regularly focused on themes of institutional politics or economic transformations and adopt an elite-centered point of view. The intensity of socio-economic changes in Central and Eastern Europe in turn highlights processes that would otherwise be much harder to identify. In the s, as hip-hop in the USA experienced its most creative period, the Solidarity movement in Poland was eroding the dominance of the Communist Party.

Although Solidarity called for the rationalization of the existing system and not for a political revolution and adhered to a policy of nonviolent resistance, it became a major political force in opposition to the regime. The communist government led by General Wojciech Jaruzelski sought a solution for the growing economic crisis and intensified social tensions through martial law imposed on December 13, and the de-legalization of Solidarity.

The founding of Solidarity can be seen as the culmination of a long process of struggle for authority and legitimacy. Hip-hop was a misfit in the culture politics of the socialist state in Poland in the s and also could not fulfill the specific needs of the oppositional counter-culture.

The heroic Solidarity ethos of a noble struggle found its musical expression primarily through protest songs, growing out of the tradition of the bards, which criticized the regime and appealed to traditions of patriotic resistance against the oppression of the Polish people.

Their lyrics frequently employed metaphors such as walls that will fall down one day , captured white eagles, [7] sieges, wounds, stones that can initiate an avalanche, a coming dawn, etc. They referred to different forms of oppression and to the hope that the oppressed would rise one day. These songs were not commercial written to be sung and not to be sold and circulated outside official distribution channels usually on homemade cassettes. The transfer of power was followed by comprehensive reforms in the economy, political institutions, and local administrations.

Although the cost of reform was immense, the early s was a time of optimism and great expectations from the new system. In popular imagery, Western democracy and capitalism were simply identified with an affluent lifestyle.

Hip-hop did not fit into this optimistic context either. Although restrictions limiting travel and exchange of information were lifted and Polish youth could have become acquainted with hip-hop, the genre did not gain popularity in Poland.

Disco polo, a uniquely Polish genre, was the first to come to prominence and experience commercialization when the political struggle was over and state monopoly of recording industry came to an end.

It had developed spontaneously in the s and circulated outside official channels of distribution, having been denied access to the mainstream media or the state-controlled recording industry. When the Socialist system dissolved, newly-emerging private labels turned to music that was widely popular among the people, but hardly accessible for sale.

Disco polo, previously restricted to homemade recordings and available almost exclusively through private exchange, became the basis of a cassette industry and flourished throughout the country. The power of the disco polo industry was finally recognized by media decision-making bodies and catchy songs about love began to have exposure on the private television station Polsat, which broadcast Disco Relax.

Although public radio and television tried to keep the genre from the airwaves, it dominated the popular music domain in Poland for the next few years until At the earliest stage of its development the elements of hip-hop—MCing, DJing, breakdancing and graffiti—functioned in isolation in Poland, albeit reinvented from different angles.

While breakdancing and MCing were imported phenomena, graffiti and DJing evolved from local practices. There is a long tradition in Poland of using graffiti as a symbol of protest and resistance. See Figure 1. Unmistakably a graffiti tag, this symbol of the movement that initiated civil awakening all over Central and Eastern Europe appeared on walls in all Polish cities during the s. Painted secretly and usually anonymously, it was diligently covered over by administrators of public buildings, and eagerly suppressed by communist authorities, especially during the harsh time of martial law from December 13, to July 22, According to an urban legend, it was first painted in red paint on the shipyard wall at night and was later copied onto paper.

In fact, the logo was created by Jerzy Janiszewski, a renowned graphic designer and creator of many acclaimed posters, who supported the workers on strike from the very beginning and wanted to provide them with something that would give them a group identity. Being so different from the grayish atmosphere of the Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa PRL [16] it gained immediate popular appeal, and became a standard type of lettering for bold political graffiti during the s.

This symbol of hope was drawn on walls as a manifestation of resistance. Such a use of graffiti was socially acceptable and even supported as an act of disobedience towards an establishment collectively disapproved of by the people.

Because of the shortage of goods, the graffiti of the s were painted exclusively with simple tools such as brushes, rollers, and stencils. All this changed in post-communist Poland. Spray paints became easily available although expensive , but the socially-sanctioned rationale for graffiti disappeared with freedom of speech and the emergence of an independent media.

Painting on walls came to be regarded as an act of vandalism. From the mids, graffiti became more colorful and came to be practiced by young people from urban areas not only on walls but also—as in other countries—on trains. It took almost a decade for graffiti to receive public recognition as a visual art. DJs were part of the disco landscape for decades. They were also an element of so-called prywatka , i. Early DJs were often friends of party hosts who just happened to have the needed equipment or recordings.

The practice of pre-creating mixes resulted from a very practical necessity: a cassette player was the most widely used audio equipment, often being the only one available.

Pre-created mixes and DJing were connected with various musical genres. The status of DJs as artists is still a matter of controversy in Poland. For many people DJs are artisans rather than artists as their work is considered to be of a technical rather than musical nature.

Moreover, due to their limited access to professional audio equipment multiple turn-tables have only been in use for the last few years , Polish DJs could not for a long time display many of the skills that built the reputations of American DJs.

Those against the idea of DJs as artists emphasize that DJs only play music created by others; according to this opinion, even the most successful and sophisticated blending of tracks by others remains essentially re-creative. Those in favor claim that DJs make a new sound quality from their blends, so their work must be creative.

Those who provide beats for hip-hop pieces call themselves simply producers. What we know as breakdancing reached Poland for the first time in the mids. Be-Bop, founded in , is considered to be the first breakdancing group in Poland.

Breakdancing, however, did not become popular until the s, when it functioned, in post-communist Poland, as an acrobatic dance for teenagers. Such misinterpretation resulted not only from an unawareness of the origins of breakdancing, but also from its initial functioning outside hip-hop culture. This classic of disco polo features five young men dancing on a beach in matching shirts, pants, and shoes. The video presents the whole crew in coordinated moves in a standing position with a soloist doing power moves.

A dancing episode also comes back later in the clip. Performed by the group Boys; lyrics and music by Janusz Konopla from the group Mirage ; a cover by Maricn Miller with the group Boys from the album O.

Used by permission of the group. Some other disco polo groups for example Toples [19] also employ elements of breakdancing at their concerts. Skateboarding became a physical activity associated, alongside breakdancing, with hip-hop culture in Poland.

MCing presents a different case. This very distinguishing feature of hip-hop music was neither confined to hip-hop in Poland, nor was it linked directly to hip-hop themes. Improvised rhythmic melo-recitation became popular among young people in the s, but it was done simply for fun, and was usually not engaged with any profound topics.

Its members were well-known in Poland as cabaret entertainers providing satirical commentary on Polish life. While their accounts of past events are historically accurate, their highly colloquial language stands in contrast to the seriousness of the topic and the accuracy of the historical data, contributing to the overall comic effect of the show.

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